COPYRIGHT YEAR

2014

AUTHORS

Karen D. Shelby

TITLE

World War I Memorial or Symbol of Autonomy?: Collaboration and the IJzertoren

ABSTRACT

Flemish and German interactions were, as noted, a part of World War I that influenced the trajectory of Flemish nationalism. Many of the infamous collaborators of World War II had already been engaged with the Germans during The Great War in the hopes of furthering their political agenda. Some of the young Flemish was also more susceptible to the promises of the occupiers in the Second World War in the formation of an autonomous Flanders.1 This agenda was named, as in World War I, flamenpolitik (Flemish Policy), and aimed specifically to show partiality towards the Flemish in Belgium. For example, the Nazis decided to free the Belgian POWs after the country’s surrender. But in practice, the policy demonstrated preferential treatment to the Flemish in the camps — far more Flemish than Walloons were released. The policy allowed Germany to effectively couch its invasion of Belgium within the rhetoric of the liberation of a nation (Flanders) from the clutches of a state (Belgium).2 It also exacerbated the already internal conflicts between the two language groups. In 1944 both Flanders and Wallonia were annexed becoming provinces of the Third Reich, the Reischsgaue Flandern and Reischsgaue Wallonien, and a Distrikt Brüssel. VNV and DeVlag had different agendas during this period. VNV wanted an independent Flanders while DeVlag supported the annexation of Flanders into the Greater German Reich.

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1 book-chapters:389f28b151cc5071fbc127b4fd36043f sg:abstract Abstract Flemish and German interactions were, as noted, a part of World War I that influenced the trajectory of Flemish nationalism. Many of the infamous collaborators of World War II had already been engaged with the Germans during The Great War in the hopes of furthering their political agenda. Some of the young Flemish was also more susceptible to the promises of the occupiers in the Second World War in the formation of an autonomous Flanders.1 This agenda was named, as in World War I, flamenpolitik (Flemish Policy), and aimed specifically to show partiality towards the Flemish in Belgium. For example, the Nazis decided to free the Belgian POWs after the country’s surrender. But in practice, the policy demonstrated preferential treatment to the Flemish in the camps — far more Flemish than Walloons were released. The policy allowed Germany to effectively couch its invasion of Belgium within the rhetoric of the liberation of a nation (Flanders) from the clutches of a state (Belgium).2 It also exacerbated the already internal conflicts between the two language groups. In 1944 both Flanders and Wallonia were annexed becoming provinces of the Third Reich, the Reischsgaue Flandern and Reischsgaue Wallonien, and a Distrikt Brüssel. VNV and DeVlag had different agendas during this period. VNV wanted an independent Flanders while DeVlag supported the annexation of Flanders into the Greater German Reich.
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6 sg:chapterNumber 7
7 sg:copyrightHolder Karen D. Shelby
8 sg:copyrightYear 2014
9 sg:ddsId Chap7
10 sg:doi 10.1057/9781137391735_7
11 sg:esmRights OpenAccess
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16 sg:language En
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18 sg:metadataRights OpenAccess
19 sg:pageFirst 143
20 sg:pageLast 174
21 sg:scigraphId 389f28b151cc5071fbc127b4fd36043f
22 sg:title World War I Memorial or Symbol of Autonomy?: Collaboration and the IJzertoren
23 sg:webpage https://link.springer.com/10.1057/9781137391735_7
24 rdf:type sg:BookChapter
25 rdfs:label BookChapter: World War I Memorial or Symbol of Autonomy?: Collaboration and the IJzertoren
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